The Political Crisis of the Bolivarian Democracy in
Venezuela: a necessary revision
09 March
2018
The Venezuelan
Democracy is experiencing a complex crisis, in which the legitimacy of the
political system and the economic model are at a cliff’s edge, creating a
situation with few solutions in sight. This two-dimensional crisis has
consequences on multiples levels for political representation, participation of
social movements, the exercise of the right of equality before the law and people’s
access to food and medicines. Consider the historical and political dimensions of
the crisis.
1. Unachieved Participatory
Democracy (1999-2013) and the Authoritarian Twist
(2013-2018)
Participatory Democracy and its
challenges. In 1999 Venezuela
inaugurated a new Democratic Constitution, perhaps one of the most inspiring political
models of the last 50 years in Latin America: Participatory Democracy. Previously,
popular participation had been marginalized in the 1961 Democratic-Liberal
Constitution. Once Chavez won the Presidential elections in 1998 and proposed
the Constituent Assembly to "re-establish" Venezuelan democracy, his popularity
was guaranteed.
It is
important to note that the 1999 Constitution and its Participatory Democracy
model never privileged “real socialism” as an economic and political model.
However, the operationalization of Participatory Democracy never actually took
place. At the end of 2012, few laws[2] had been passed to give
substance to this democratic model.
From “Participatory Model” to “Twenty
First Century ‘Real’ Socialism”. In
2007, after two unsuccessful coup attempts (2002 and 2003), two presidential
election wins (2000 and 2006) and a
defeated recall referendum (2004), Chávez proposed a constitutional reform process.
The aim was to promulgate the socialist character of the Constitution. This
referendum was the only electoral process that Chávez lost. The attempt to
establish a Communal Socialist State
was frustrated by the outcome of this popular election. Despite Chavez’ struggles
to lead the model towards a more conventional socialist system, the
Constitution of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela remained formally
untouchable. From 2007 until the announcement of his illness in June 2011,
Chávez attempted try to “keep the peace in the party ”, consolidating even more
the centralized style of leadership. As a leader, he left two uncompleted tasks:
the institutionalization of Participatory Democracy model of 1999, and deconstruction
of the Liberal State founded in 1961. These two unfinished tasks created a
political and institutional limbo that paved the way for the authoritarian
twist that took place after 2013.
The Authoritarian Twist. With the death of Chávez (5 March 2013),
and the rise of Nicolás Maduro to the Presidency, political forces (into and
out of Chavismo) reconfigured themselves, with the military taking an increasingly
prominent role. The ruling party founded by Chavez (Partido Socialista Unido de
Venezuela –PSUV)[3]
weakens. This undermines the chances of generating consensus for an economic
policy strategy to cope with falling oil rents since June 2014, and falling oil
production since 2015.
In December 2015, the opposition
won two-thirds of the seats in the National Assembly, radically changing the configuration of political
parties within the institution. The elected National Assembly would elect the
National Electoral Council (CNE), the General Attorney of the Republic (FGR)
and the Supreme Court of Justice (TSJ). However, to forestall this, the outgoing
members of the government, in a fast track mode, elected a new Justice of the
Supreme Court (TSJ) just before the new National Assembly was installed. Thus,
the TSJ remains in the hands of central government, and the party, and has systematically
overturned the policies of the new National Assembly.
State of Exception and Economic
Emergency. In February 2016,
the TSJ authorized the President to move forward and open up the oil sector to
international investment. TSJ also empowered him to declare a State of
Exception and Economic Emergency, violating the constitutional framework. In
March 2017, the TSJ declared that the National Assembly was in contempt,
despite having been elected by the population in 2015, and transferred the National
Assembly’s its powers to central government (Rulings 155 and 156 of the
Constitutional Chamber of the TSJ). In this way, the Supreme Court becomes the
supreme national body, lending a "legal" gloss to the authoritarian actions
of central government.
Protests 2017. In April 2017 a new wave of protests
began, which ended in July with young protesters either dead or in prison.
New Constitution? The government of Maduro called for
elections on 31st of July 2017, to set up a new National Constituent
Assembly, parallel to the National Assembly elected in 2015. This National
Constituent Assembly was to draft a new Constitution. Unlike what happened in
1999, little is known about this new national political contract. The
Constituent Assembly has served to ratify the power of a new General Attorney
of the Republic (FGR) and the National Electoral Council (CNE).
The Dialogue in the Dominican
Republic: towards a Transition? From
October 2016 to February 2018 several meetings have been held in the Dominican
Republic between the visible opposition (mainly established in the Constituted
National Assembly) and the Government. The aim of these talks was to
re-establish political consensus and end the political violence. Some international
mediators have participated in these discussions. Unfortunately, these negotiations
had no positive results, and constitutional order is not yet re-established. On
the contrary, it seems these dialogues contribute even more to delegitimize the
political forces in power around Maduro. At the time of the writing in early
March 2018, presidential elections are planned for 20 May 2018. The visible
opposition has decided to call for a boycott of these presidential elections,
since there is no confidence in transparent and fair electoral processes.
2. The present state of Democracy
in Venezuela
Basic rights: Venezuela
is falling behind. Access to basic
goods is no longer guaranteed for most Venezuelans. There is an increase of
dependency on direct subsidies through the so-called CLAP, a box with food
provided by the central government. This is only for those registered for a consumption
card called the “Carnet de la Patria”. Other social consequence of the food
crisis are cases of malnutrition which are even preventing children from
attending school (UNICEF, 2018)[4].
Inefficiency in public
management, unsustainable exchange rates. Misguided economic policies create profound
distortions throughout the whole economy.[5]
Exchange rate parity means drastic reductions in foreign currency and a
deterioration of the productive sectors, with damaging effects on the ability to
import, and crises in production and distribution of medicines and food. In the case of medicines, the population
is having enormous difficulties in treatment of chronic diseases such as high
blood pressure, cancer, diabetes and renal dialysis.
Hyperinflation. In 2017, non-official figures indicate that inflation was
near 2,616 per cent! For instance, by February 2018, a person that earned the
basic minimum wage (basic salary plus food allowance) had the capacity to buy around
10 per cent of the food basket required and 8 per cent of a basic family food basket.
A public sector graduate could acquire just 19 per cent of the food basket and
13 per cent of the basic family basket, with their average salary.
Forced migration. The number of people leaving the country is growing. The
main reasons for migration are the low wages relative to living costs, and the
general critical situation of shortages. Unofficial figures estimate that up to
4.5 million people have emigrated in the last 5 years[6].
People have started to move to neighbouring countries such as Colombia and
Brazil. Other important contingents of people are migrating to other Latin
American countries, including Ecuador, Peru, Argentina, Chile, Bolivia, Panama
and Costa Rica, as well as to European countries such as Spain, Italy and
Portugal. Many migrants to Europe are descendants of refugees who arrived in Venezuela
after the Spanish Civil War and The Second World War.
In conclusion, this crisis of democracy in Venezuela is
fundamentally due to two historically unsolved puzzles. On the one hand, a frustrated
“Participatory Democracy” has been pending since 1999. On the other hand, misunderstandings
of the oil economy, and its consequent mismanagement, has resulted in the
squandering of oil rents. To solve these puzzles, politicians and social
scientists should pay much more attention to the social and economic history of
such this diverse and specific country, Venezuela.
References and Sources
- García Guadilla, María PIlar
(2018). Exclusionary Inclusion: Post-Neoliberal Incorporation of Popular Sectors and Social Movements in New Left 21st
Century Socialism: the experience of Venezuela. https://www.academia.edu/23713466/Exclusionary_Inclusion_Post-Neoliberal_Incorporation_of_Popular_Sectors_and_Social_Movements_in_New_Left_21st_Century_Socialism_the_experience_of_Venezuela
[1] Blas Regnault is a Venezuelan
Sociologist, devoted to the study of global oil price cycles and its impact on
the sustainable development in oil exporting economies.
[2] The Organic Law
for Potable Water and Waste Service is one of the law. However most of the set
up policies were Presidential decrees, or voluntary wishes expressed by Chavez during
his allocutions in “Aló Presidente” (García Guadilla, María PIlar, 2018).
[3] On 5 February 2018, Nicolás Maduro registered a new
political party with the National Electoral Council (CNE). This new party is called
“Vamos Venezuela”, and is set up as if it were separate from the PSUV.
[4] Statement published the 26 of January 2018 in New York https://www.unicef.org/media/media_102501.html
[5] Since February 2018, the official exchange rate changed
from 10.00 to 30,000.00 bolivars per dollar, while the parallel dollar parity,
which has a significant impact on the pricing, was 230,000.00 bolivars per
dollar on 23 February 23, 2017.
[6] According to the last Census, in 2018 Venezuela reach 32
Million of people.
